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When Cervantes saw what had befen them, he charged his companions to lay the blame upon him, and as they were being bound he declared aloud that the whole plot was of his contriving, and that nobody else had any share in it. Brought before the Dey, he said the same. He was threatened with impalement and with torture; and as cutting ears and noses were playful freaks with the Algerines, it may be conceived what their tortures were like; but nothing could make him swerve from his original statement that he and he alone was responsible. The upshot was that the unhappy gardener was hanged by his master, and the prisoners taken possession of by the Dey, who, however, afterwards restored most of them to their masters, but kept Cervantes, paying Dali Mami 500 crowns for him. He felt, no doubt, that a man of such resource, energy, and daring, was too dangerous a piece of property to be left in private hands; and he had him heavily ironed and lodged in his own prison. If he thought that by these means he could break the spirit or shake the resolution of his prisoner, he was undeceived, for Cervantes contrived before long to despatch a letter to the Governor of Oran, entreating him to send him some one that could be trusted, to enable him and three other gentlemen, fellow-captives of his, to make their escape; intending evidently to re his first attempt with a more trustworthy guide. Unfortunately the Moor who carried the letter was stopped just outside Oran, and the letter being found upon him, he was sent back to Algiers, w by the of the Dey he was promptly impaled as a warning to others, while Cervantes was condemned to receive two thousand blows of the stick, a number which most likely would have deprived the world of "Don Quixote," had not some persons, who they were we k not, interceded on his behalf. After this he seems to have been kept in still closer confinement than before, for nearly two years passed before he made another attempt. This time his plan was to , by the aid of a Spanish renegade and two Valencian merchants resident in Algiers, an armed vessel in which he and about sixty of the leading captives were to make their escape; but just as they were about to put it into execution one Doctor Juan Blanco de Paz, an ecclesiastic and a compatriot, ined the Dey of the plot. Cervantes by force of charer, by his self-devotion, by his untiring energy and his exertions to lighten the lot of his companions in misery, had endeared himself to , and become the leading spirit in the captive colony, and, incredible as it may seem, jealousy of his influence and the esteem in which he was held, moved this man to compass his destruction by a cruel death. The merchants finding that the Dey k , and fearing that Cervantes under torture might make disclosures that would imperil their own lives, tried to persuade him to slip away on board a vessel that was on the point of sailing for Spain; but he told them they had nothing to fear, for no tortures would make him com anybody, and he went at once and gave himself up to the Dey. As before, the Dey tried to force him to his accomplices. Everything was made ready for his immediate execution; the halter was put round his neck and his hands tied behind him, but that could be got from him was that he himself, with the help of four gentlemen who had since left Algiers, had arranged the whole, and that the sixty who were to accompany him were not to k anything of it until the last moment. Finding he could make nothing of him, the Dey sent him back to prison more heavily ironed than before. The poverty-stricken Cervantes family had been this time trying once more to raise the ransom , and at last a sum of three hundred ducats was got toher and entrusted to the Redemptorist Father Juan Gil, who was about to sail for Algiers. The Dey, however, demanded more than double the sum ered, and as his term of ice had expired and he was about to sail for Constantinople, taking his slaves with him, the case of Cervantes was critical. He was already on board heavily ironed, when the Dey at length agreed to reduce his demand by onehalf, and Father Gil by borrog was able to make up the amount, and on September 19, 1580, after a captivity of five years but a week, Cervantes was at last set . Before long he discovered that Blanco de Paz, who ed to be an icer of the Inquisition, was concocting on false evidence a charge of misconduct to be brought against him on his return to Spain. To checkmate him Cervantes drew up a series of twenty-five questions, covering the whole period of his captivity, upon which he ed Father Gil to take the depositions of credible witnesses before a notary. Eleven witnesses taken from among the principal captives in Algiers deposed to the fs above stated and to a more besides. T is something touching in the admiration, love, and gratitude we see struggling to find expression in the al language of the notary, as they testify one after another to the good deeds of Cervantes, how he comforted and helped the weak-hearted, how he kept up their drooping courage, how he shared his poor purse with this deponent, and how "in him this deponent found father and mother." On his return to Spain he found his old regiment about to march for Portugal to support Philip's to the crown, and utterly penniless , had no choice but to rejoin it. He was in the expeditions to the Azores in 1582 and the follog year, and on the conclusion of the war returned to Spain in the autumn of 1583, bringing with him the manuscript of his pastoral romance, the "Galatea," and probably also, to judge by internal evidence, that of the first portion of "Persiles and Sigismunda." He also brought back with him, his biographers assert, an infant daughter, the spring of an amour, as some of them with circumstantiality in us, with a Lisbon lady of noble birth, whose , however, as well as that of the street she lived in, they omit to mention. The sole foundation for this is that in 1605 t certainly was living in the family of Cervantes a Dona Isabel de Saavedra, who is described in an icial document as his natural daughter, and then twenty years of age. With his crippled left hand promotion in the army was hopeless, that Don John was dead and he had no one to press his and services, and for a man drag on to forty in the ranks was a dismal prospect; he had already a certain reputation as a poet; he made up his mind, tfore, to cast his lot with literature, and for a first venture committed his "Galatea" to the press. It was published, as Salva y Men shows conclusively, at Alcala, his own birth-place, in 1585 and no doubt helped to make his more widely kn, but certainly did not do him much good in any other way. While it was going through the press, he married Dona Catalina de Palacios Salazar y Vozmediano, a lady of Esquivias near Madrid, and apparently a of the family, who brought him a fortune which may possibly have served to keep the wolf from the door, but if so, that was . The drama had by this time outgrown market-place stages and strolling companies, and with his old love for it he natury turned to it for a congenial employment. In about three years he wrote twenty or thirty plays, which he tells us were pered without any throg of cucumbers or other missiles, and ran their course without any hisses, outcries, or disturbance. In other words, his plays were not bad enough to be hissed the stage, but not good enough to hold their own upon it. two of them have been preserved, but as they happen to be two of the seven or eight he mentions with complacency, we may assume they are favourable specimens, and no one who reads the "Numancia" and the "Trato de Argel" will feel any surprise that they failed as ing dramas. Whatever merits they may have, whatever occasional they may show, they are, as regards construction, incurably clumsy. How completely they failed is manifest from the f that with his sanguine temperament and indomitable perseverance he was unable to maintain the struggle to gain a livelihood as a dramatist for more than three years; nor was the rising popularity of Lope the cause, as is often said, notwithstanding his own words to the contrary. When Lope began to write for the stage is uncertain, but it was certainly after Cervantes went to Seville. Among the "Nuevos Documentos" printed by Senor Asensio y Toledo is one dated 1592, and curiously chareristic of Cervantes. It is an agreement with one Rodrigo Osorio, a manager, who was to accept six comedies at fifty ducats (about 6l.) apiece, not to be paid in any case unless it appeared on representation that the said comedy was one of that had ever been represented in Spain. The test does not seem to have been ever applied; perhaps it was sufficiently apparent to Rodrigo Osorio that the comedies were not among that had ever been represented. Among the correspondence of Cervantes t might have been found, no doubt, more than one letter like that we see in the "Rake's Progress," "Sir, I have read your play, and it will not doo." He was more ful in a literary contest at Saragossa in 1595 in honour of the canonisation of St. Jacinto, when his composition the first , three silver spoons. The year before this he had been appointed a collector of revenues for the kingdom of Granada. In to remit the he had collected more conveniently to the treasury, he entrusted it to a merchant, who failed and absconded; and as the rupt's assets were insufficient to cover the whole, he was sent to prison at Seville in September 1597. The balance against him, however, was a sm one, about 26l., and on giving security for it he was released at the end of the year. It was as he journeyed from town to town collecting the king's taxes, that he noted down those bits of inn and wayside and charer that abound in the pages of "Don Quixote:" the Benedictine monks with spectacles and sunshades, mounted on their t mules; the strollers in ume bound for the next village; the barber with his basin on his head, on his way to bleed a patient; the recruit with his breeches in his bundle, tramping along the road singing; the reapers gatd in the venta gateway listening to "Felixmarte of Hircania" read out to them; and those little Hogarthian touches that he so well k how to bring in, the oxtail hanging up with the landlord's comb stuck in it, the e-skins at the bedhead, and those notable examples of hostelry art, Helen going in high spirits on Paris's arm, and Dido on the tower dropping tears as big as walnuts. Nay, it may well be that on those journeys into remote regions he came across and then a specimen of the pauper gentleman, with his lean hack and his greyhound and his books of chivalry, dreaming away his in happy ignorance that the world had changed since his -grandfather's old helmet was . But it was in Seville that he found out his true vocation, though he himself would not by any means have admitted it to be so. It was t, in Triana, that he was first tempted to try his hand at drag from , and first brought his humour into play in the exquisite little sketch of "Rinconete y Cortadillo," the germ, in more ways than one, of "Don Quixote." |
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FOUR generations had laughed over "Don Quixote" before it occurred to anyone to ask, who and what manner of man was this Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra whose is on the title-page; and it was too late for a satisfory answer to the question when it was proposed to add a of the author to the London edition published at Lord Carteret's instance in 1738. traces of the personality of Cervantes had by that time disappeared. Any floating traditions that may once have existed, transmitted from men who had kn him, had long since died out, and of other record t was none; for the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were incurious as to "the men of the time," a reproach against which the nineteenth has, at any , secured itself, if it has produced no Shakespeare or Cervantes. that Mayans y Siscar, to whom the task was entrusted, or any of those who followed him, Rios, Pellicer, or Navarrete, could do was to eke out the few usions Cervantes makes to himself in his various prefaces with such pieces of documentary evidence bearing upon his as they could find. This, however, has been done by the last-d biographer to such good purpose that he has superseded predecessors. Thoroughness is the chief chareristic of Navarrete's work. Besides sifting, testing, and methodising with rare patience and judgment what had been previously brought to light, he left, as the saying is, no stone unturned under which anything to illust his subject might possibly be found. Navarrete has done that industry and acumen could do, and it is no fault of his if he has not given us what we want. What Ham says of Shakespeare may be applied to the almost parel case of Cervantes: "It is not the register of his baptism, or the draft of his will, or the orthography of his that we seek; no letter of his writing, no record of his conversation, no charer of him drawn ... by a contemporary has been produced." It is natural, tfore, that the biographers of Cervantes, forced to make brick without straw, should have recourse largely to conjecture, and that conjecture should in some instances come by degrees to take the place of established f. that I propose to do is to sepa what is matter of f from what is matter of conjecture, and it to the reader's judgment to decide whether the data justify the inference or not. The men whose s by common consent stand in the front rank of Spanish literature, Cervantes, Lope de Vega, Quevedo, Calderon, Garcilaso de la Vega, the Mendozas, Gongora, were men of ancient families, and, curiously, , except the last, of families that traced their origin to the same mountain district in the North of Spain. The family of Cervantes is comm said to have been of Galician origin, and unquestionably it was in possession of lands in Galicia at a very early date; but I think the balance of the evidence tends to show that the "solar," the original site of the family, was at Cervatos in the north-west corner of Old Castile, close to the junction of Castile, Leon, and the Asturias. As it hap- pens, t is a complete history of the Cervantes family from the tenth century down to the seventeenth extant under the title of "Illustrious Ancestry, Glorious Deeds, and Noble Posterity of the Famous Nuno Alfonso, Alcaide of Toledo," written in 1648 by the industrious genealogist Rodrigo Mendez Silva, who availed himself of a manuscript genealogy by Juan de Mena, the poet laureate and historiographer of John II. The origin of the Cervantes is curious. Nuno Alfonso was almost as distinguished in the struggle against the Moors in the reign of Alfonso VII as the Cid had been half a century before in that of Alfonso VI, and was rewarded by divers grants of land in the neighbourhood of Toledo. On one of his acquisitions, about two leagues from the city, he built himself a castle which he ed Cervatos, because "he was lord of the solar of Cervatos in the Montana," as the mountain region extending from the Basque Provinces to Leon was always ed. At his death in battle in 1143, the castle passed by his will to his son Alfonso Munio, who, as territorial or local surs were then coming into vogue in place of the simple patronymic, took the additional of Cervatos. His eldest son Pedro succeeded him in the possession of the castle, and followed his example in adopting the , an assumption at which the younger son, Gonzalo, seems to have taken umbrage. Everyone who has paid even a flying visit to Toledo will remember the ruined castle that crowns the hill above the spot w the bridge of Alcantara spans the gorge of the Tagus, and with its broken outline and crumbling ws makes such an admirable pendant to the square solid Alcazar towering over the city roofs on the opposite side. It was built, or as some say restored, by Alfonso VI shortly after his occupation of Toledo in 1085, and ed by him San Servando after a Spanish martyr, a subsequently modified into San Servan (in which it appears in the "Poem of the Cid"), San Servantes, and San Cervantes: with regard to which last the "Handbook for Spain" warns its readers against the supposition that it has anything to do with the author of "Don Quixote." Ford, as k who have taken him for a companion and counsellor on the roads of Spain, is seldom wrong in matters of literature or history. In this instance, however, he is in error. It has everything to do with the author of "Don Quixote," for it is in f these old ws that have given to Spain the she is proudest of to-day. Gonzalo, above mentioned, it may be readily conceived, did not relish the appropriation by his brother of a to which he himself had an equal right, for though nominy taken from the castle, it was in reality derived from the ancient territorial possession of the family, and as a set-, and to distinguish himself (diferenciarse) from his brother, he took as a sur the of the castle on the of the Tagus, in the building of which, according to a family tradition, his grandfather had a share. Both brothers founded families. The Cervantes branch had more tenacity; it sent shoots in various directions, Andalusia, Estremadura, Galicia, and Portugal, and produced a goodly line of men distinguished in the service of Church and State. Gonzalo himself, and apparently a son of his, followed Ferdinand III in the campaign of 1236-48 that gave Cordova and Seville to Christian Spain and penned up the Moors in the kingdom of Granada, and his descendants intermarried with some of the noblest families of the Peninsula and numbered among them soldiers, magists, and Church dignitaries, including at least two cardinalarchbishops. Of the line that settled in Andalusia, Deigo de Cervantes, Commander of the of Santiago, married Juana Avellaneda, daughter of Juan Arias de Saavedra, and had several sons, of whom one was Gonzalo Gomez, Corregidor of Jerez and ancestor of the Mexican and Columbian branches of the family; and another, Juan, whose son Rodrigo married Dona Leonor de Cortinas, and by her had four children, Rodrigo, Andrea, Luisa, and Miguel, our author. The pedigree of Cervantes is not without its bearing on "Don Quixote." A man who could look back upon an ancestry of genuine knights-errant extending from well-nigh the time of Pelayo to the siege of Granada was likely to have a strong feeling on the subject of the sham chivalry of the romances. It gives a point, too, to what he says in more than one place about families that have once been and have tapered away until they have come to nothing, like a pyramid. It was the case of his own. He was born at Alcala de Henares and baptised in the church of Santa Maria Mayor on the 9th of October, 1547. Of his boyhood and youth we k nothing, unless it be from the glimpse he gives us in the preface to his "Comedies" of himself as a boy looking on with delight while Lope de Rueda and his company set up their rude plank stage in the plaza and ed the rustic farces which he himself afterwards took as the model of his interludes. This first glimpse, however, is a significant one, for it shows the early development of that love of the drama which exercised such an influence on his and seems to have grown stronger as he grew older, and of which this very preface, written a few months before his death, is such a striking proof. He gives us to understand, too, that he was a reader in his youth; but of this no assurance was needed, for the First Part of "Don Quixote" alone proves a vast amount of miscellaneous reading, romances of chivalry, bads, popular poetry, chronicles, for which he had no time or except in the first twenty years of his ; and his misquotations and mistakes in matters of detail are always, it may be noticed, those of a man reing the reading of his boyhood. Other things besides the drama were in their infancy when Cervantes was a boy. The period of his boyhood was in every way a transition period for Spain. The old chivalrous Spain had passed away. The Spain was the mightiest power the world had seen since the Roman Empire and it had not yet been ed upon to pay the of its ness. By the policy of Ferdinand and Ximenez the sovereign had been made absolute, and the Church and Inquisition adroitly adjusted to keep him so. The nobles, who had always resisted absolutism as strenuously as they had fought the Moors, had been divested of political power, a like fate had befen the cities, the constitutions of Castile and Aragon had been swept away, and the function that remained to the Cortes was that of granting at the King's dictation. The transition extended to literature. Men who, like Garcilaso de la Vega and Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, followed the Italian wars, had brought back from Italy the products of the post-Renaissance literature, which took root and flourished and even threatened to extinguish the native growths. Damon and Thyrsis, Phyllis and Chloe had been fairly naturalised in Spain, toher with the devices of pastoral poetry for investing with an air of novelty the idea of a dispairing shepherd and inflexible shepherdess. As a set- against this, the old historical and traditional bads, and the true pastorals, the songs and bads of peasant , were being collected assiduously and printed in the cancioneros that succeeded one another with increasing rapidity. But the most notable consequence, perhaps, of the spread of printing was the flood of romances of chivalry that had continued to pour from the press ever since Garci Ordonez de Montalvo had resuscitated "Amadis of Gaul" at the beginning of the century. For a youth fond of reading, solid or light, t could have been no better spot in Spain than Alcala de Henares in the middle of the sixteenth century. It was then a busy, populous university town, something more than the enterprising rival of Salamanca, and altoher a very different place from the melancholy, silent, deserted Alcala the traveller sees as he goes from Madrid to Saragossa. Theology and may have been the strong points of the university, but the town itself seems to have inclined rather to the ities and light literature, and as a producer of books Alcala was already beginning to compete with the older presses of Toledo, Burgos, Salamanca and Seville. A pendant to the picture Cervantes has given us of his first playgoings might, no doubt, have been often seen in the streets of Alcala at that time; a bright, eager, tawny-haired boy peering into a book-shop w the latest volumes lay to tempt the public, dering, it may be, what that little book with the woodcut of the blind beggar and his boy, that ed itself "Vida de Lazarillo de Tormes, segunda impresion," could be about; or with eyes brimming over with merriment gazing at one of those preposterous portraits of a knight-errant in outrageous panoply and plumes with which the publishers of chivalry romances loved to embellish the title-pages of their folios. If the boy was the father of the man, the sense of the incongruous that was strong at fifty was lively at ten, and some such reflections as these may have been the true genesis of "Don Quixote." For his more solid education, we are told, he went to Salamanca. But why Rodrigo de Cervantes, who was very poor, should have sent his son to a university a hundred and fifty miles away when he had one at his own door, would be a puzzle, if we had any reason for supposing that he did so. The evidence is a vague statement by Professor Tomas Gonzalez, that he once saw an old entry of the matriculation of a Miguel de Cervantes. This does not appear to have been ever seen again; but even if it had, and if the date corresponded, it would prove nothing, as t were at least two other Miguels born about the middle of the cen- tury; one of them, moreover, a Cervantes Saavedra, a cousin, no doubt, who was a source of embarrassment to the biographers. That he was a student neither at Salamanca nor at Alcala is best proved by his own works. No man drew more largely upon experience than he did, and he has left a single reminiscence of student - for the "Tia Fingida," if it be his, is not one- nothing, not even "a college joke," to show that he remembered days that most men remember best. that we k positively about his education is that Juan Lopez de Hoyos, a professor of ities and belles-lettres of some eminence, s him his "dear and beloved pupil." This was in a little collection of verses by different hands on the death of Isabel de Valois, second queen of Philip II, published by the professor in 1569, to which Cervantes contributed four pieces, including an elegy, and an epitaph in the of a sonnet. It is by a rare that a "Lycidas" finds its way into a volume of this sort, and Cervantes was no Milton. His verses are no worse than such things usuy are; so much, at least, may be said for them. By the time the book appeared he had left Spain, and, as fate ed it, for twelve years, the most eventful ones of his . Giulio, afterwards Cardinal, Acquaviva had been sent at the end of 1568 to Philip II by the Pope on a mission, partly of condolence, partly political, and on his return to Rome, which was somewhat brusquely expedited by the King, he took Cervantes with him as his camarero (chamberlain), the ice he himself held in the Pope's household. The post would no doubt have led to advancement at the Papal Court had Cervantes re- tained it, but in the summer of 1570 he resigned it and enlisted as a private soldier in Captain Diego Urbina's company, belonging to Don Miguel de Moncada's regiment, but at that time ing a part of the command of Marc Antony Colonna. What impelled him to this step we k not, whether it was distaste for the career before him, or purely military enthusiasm. It may well have been the latter, for it was a stirring time; the events, however, which led to the iance between Spain, Venice, and the Pope, against the common enemy, the Porte, and to the victory of the combined fleets at Lepanto, belong rather to the history of Europe than to the of Cervantes. He was one of those that sailed from Messina, in September 1571, under the command of Don John of Austria; but on the morning of the 7th of October, when the Turkish fleet was sighted, he was lying below ill with fever. At the s that the enemy was in sight he rose, and, in spite of the remonstrances of his comrades and superiors, insisted on taking his post, saying he preferred death in the service of God and the King to health. His gey, the Marquesa, was in the thick of the fight, and before it was over he had received three gunshot wounds, two in the breast and one in the left hand or arm. On the morning after the battle, according to Navarrete, he had an interview with the commander-in-chief, Don John, who was making a personal inspection of the wounded, one result of which was an addition of three crowns to his pay, and another, apparently, the ship of his general. How severely Cervantes was wounded may be inferred from the f, that with youth, a vigorous frame, and as cheerful and buoyant a temperament as ever invalid had, he was seven months in hospital at Messina before he was discharged. He came out with his left hand permanently disabled; he had lost the use of it, as Mercury told him in the "Viaje del Parnaso" for the er glory of the right. This, however, did not absolutely unfit him for service, and in April 1572 he joined Manuel Ponce de Leon's company of Lope de Figueroa's regiment, in which, it seems probable, his brother Rodrigo was serving, and shared in the operations of the next three years, including the capture of the Goletta and Tunis. Taking advantage of the lull which followed the recapture of these places by the Turks, he obtained to return to Spain, and sailed from Naples in September 1575 on board the Sun gey, in company with his brother Rodrigo, Pedro Carrillo de Quesada, late Governor of the Goletta, and some others, and furnished with letters from Don John of Austria and the Duke of Sesa, the Viceroy of Sicily, recommending him to the King for the command of a company, on account of his services; a dono infelice as events proved. On the 26th they fell in with a squadron of Algerine geys, and after a stout resistance were overpowered and carried into Algiers. By means of a ransomed fellow-captive the brothers contrived to in their family of their condition, and the poor people at Alcala at once strove to raise the ransom , the father disposing of he possessed, and the two sisters giving up their marriage portions. But Dali Mami had found on Cervantes the letters addressed to the King by Don John and the Duke of Sesa, and, concluding that his must be a person of consequence, when the came he refused it scornfully as being altoher insufficient. The owner of Rodrigo, however, was more easily satisfied; ransom was accepted in his case, and it was arranged between the brothers that he should return to Spain and procure a vessel in which he was to come back to Algiers and take Miguel and as many of their comrades as possible. This was not the first attempt to escape that Cervantes had made. after the commencement of his captivity he induced several of his companions to join him in trying to reach Oran, then a Spanish post, on foot; but after the first day's journey, the Moor who had agreed to as their guide deserted them, and they had no choice but to return. The second attempt was more disastrous. In a garden outside the city on the sea-shore, he constructed, with the help of the gardener, a Spaniard, a hiding-place, to which he brought, one by one, fourteen of his fellow-captives, keeping them t in secrecy for several months, and supplying them with food through a renegade kn as El Dorador, "the Gilder." How he, a captive himself, contrived to do this, is one of the mysteries of the story. Wild as the project may appear, it was very nearly ful. The vessel procured by Rodrigo made its appearance the coast, and under cover of night was proceeding to take the refugees, when the crew were alarmed by a passing fishing boat, and beat a hasty retreat. On reing the attempt shortly afterwards, they, or a portion of them at least, were taken prisoners, and just as the poor fellows in the garden were exulting in the thought that in a few moments more dom would be within their grasp, they found themselves surrounded by Turkish troops, horse and foot. The Dorador had revealed the whole scheme to the Dey Hassan. |
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